Proposal:
A bioceanic confederation from the Indian to the Atlantic oceans, including Uganda and Tanzania, Rwanda and Burundi, and the two Congos, maybe more countries, trading East-West with Asia and America, as much as North-South could one of the possible approach as proposed by the Transcend Network (see www.transcend.org) could allow for decentralisation, softer boundaries, and
‘automatic’ land reform as people and goods would be free to move. Not confining people with a tradition of enmity to a very limited territory and could be accomplished without polemical issues such the redrawing of states borders”
Africa is a composite of fragmented multi-ethnic nation-states. Virtually every African belongs to a “tribe” or ethnic group and there is nothing fundamentally wrong with belonging to one. On the whole, there is not a universal African identity or an essence of Pan-Africanism.
During the colonial period, Africa’s colonizers frequently favored some groups and exploited tensions among others as a method of securing and maintaining power (See Diviser pour mieux Regner). After gaining independence, many African states have had to face the challenge of reconciling a multi-ethnic population. As is the case all over the world, establishing stability and peace and unity within its multi-ethnic nation-states has been a major challenge for the continent.
Many Africans identify themselves much more naturally by their ethnic groups than with their nation-states. This is due to the fact that when Europeans colonized Africa they created borders without regard to the interests or customs of diverse ethnic groups. Some borders divided people belonging to the same ethnic group and others brought together groups that had always lived separately. In many cases, rival groups were expected to work together under newly created national governments.
Overview of the Great-Lakes region (2003)
The Great-lakes region of Africa has been devastated by years of violence. The war has been perpetrated in the region has claimed more than 4 million victims. Under a succession of hegemonic and dynastic look-like systems of governance, the most human rights structures are destroyed in these societies. The rising of ethnic extremists and warlords against each other and their civilian hostages – The proliferation of small arms and light weapons (SALW) has acted to increase conflicts in
Burundi, Rwanda, and Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Sudan, Angola, and Congo-Brazzaville, Uganda and in the entire region. The most serious impact of the conflict is the plight of populations subjected to lamentable crime against humanity, from mass killings to mass rapes, ethnic slaughter to forced starvation, and legalisation of child soldiering.
This analysis is an attempt to creatively discuss different alternatives in the process of building peace through Reconciliation, Reconstruction, and Resolution of cyclic Great-lakes conflict. It will be developed through a comprehensive deduction of structural elements that spawn conflict, the actors who seek geopolitical interests, and the structures that plays a strategic role in designing untransformed conflict designing the region.
1. Description of the situation since the 1990’s
In Democratic Republic of Congo, Laurent Desire Kabila, leader of the Rally of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (AFDL), backed by Rwandan and Ugandan forces, took over the power in Kinshasa in May 1997, forcing the Mobutu and members of his regime into exile. Once an auto-proclaimed head of state, Laurent Desire Kabila tries to get rid of his former allies. Kigali is convinced and accuse him of connivance with FAR (former Rwandan Army) and Interamwe militias who participated in the Rwandan genocide in 1994.
The new development between Kigali and Kinshasa will drives the Rwanda and Uganda forces to support different Congolese rebels groups. The advance the rebel groups will be stopped only by the military intervention of Angola, Zimbabwe, Namibia and Chad support to the Kabila’s regime. This conflict, considered as the first African continental war, will do almost 4 millions of victims. Six official foreign armies and about twenty armed movements will wage war, principally in East of the Congo. January 16 2001, Laurent Desire Kabila is murdered. His son, Joseph Kabila, providentially takes his succession.
After accessing to power, Kabila’s son proclaims his willingness to apply the Lusaka in 1999 ceasefire agreement signed by the principal rebel movement; the MLC (Movement of the Liberation of Congo) and the two tendencies of the RCD (Congolese Rally for the Democracy); and between Kinshasa and its allies (Zimbabwe, Angola and Namibia) and Uganda and the Rwanda. The moderation of Joseph Kabila allows the
relaunching of the cooperation with the international community for the reconstruction and peace settlement in the country.
The UN Security Council deployed UN liaison personnel in August 1999 to support the ceasefire. The liaison office became the UN Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUC) in November
1999, and in February 2000 it expanded in mandate and personnel. With an area the size of Western Europe, covered by dense tropical forest, the DRC poses a great challenge to the UN.
In November 2003 the Pretoria agreement between the transitional government of Burundi and Armed groups from the CNDD-FDD (the coalition forces for the defence of democracy). In Rwanda, the country under the Trauma of the 1994 genocide still on it long lasting way toward democracy and peace; has various political forces and Rebel groups specially the FDLR still demanding a forum of Dialogue and political freedom
The Burundian civil war lasts since 1993, with more than 300 000 victims, essentially civilian populations. The conflict opposes the majority Hutu (85% population) to the Tutsis, who hold the power. The first peace dialogue took place in 1998. In 2000, the principal protagonists, in the exception of the two principal movements rebel
– the FDD (Forces for the Defence of Democracy) and the FNL (National Forces of Liberation) – sign to Arusha a peace agreement that foresees a division of the strength between Hutus and Tutsis. Nevertheless, the war continues. In April 30 2003, the vice president, Domitien Ndayizeye, a Hutu, succeed the president Buyoya for the 18 last months deal of the transition.
Although a light of hope so far has arisen from the passivity of the international community regarding the Great-lakes conflict. The Great– lakes region still instable as the presence of rebels movement, different militias along the borders bring tension and prediction of a regain of atrocities
2. Conflict Diagnosis
The conflict of the Great Lakes results in several factors, which can be dated between post–colonial, colonial and pre-colonial period. The structural sources will refers to static social, physical, and economic factors that either limit or spread conflict and shape dramatic responses practices among the actors.
a. Irrational Boundaries: In pre-colonial, the European-designed country in the Great-Lakes region did not exist as it is nowadays. The Virunga region is a land of high mountains, rich watered, free of malaria, a domain of volcanoes. From their arrival, The Europeans viewed the Great Lakes Region, as well as Africa in general, as a terra nullius. Although the region was composed to quite sophisticated societies, in some cases even with fairly well developed forms of governance—even though most were not European-style state structures.
The new delimitation that had served only German, Belgian and later England interest engendered a modern Rwanda and Burundi with little wealth and relying only on their fertile land. The richest mineral deposits were left to the Dem. Rep.of the Congo side of the border. Tens of thousands of Rwandophile reside along the Rwanda/Uganda boundary because of the British-negotiated 1910 cession of the Kisoro sub-district to Uganda. Often Tutsi and Hutu (Rwandophile) located on the other side of the Rwanda or Ugandan borders trace their ancestry to eastern Congo- North-Kivu province. Others members of the same Ethnical background were brought to migrate a bit deeper in the Dem.Rep.Congo following the new demarcation or for workers supply in the region.
The condition of the divided population living around the borders of states has helped fuel mutual destabilisation between neighbouring countries. For example in 1996, the uprising of a balkanisation tendencies that accentuated discourses to the expulsion of Rwandophile populations despite their centurial–old ancestry in the Kivu; triggered cyclic violence that resulted in a generalization of ethnical violence in the region. Nåtildags, The conflict ethnical background in the Great– Lakes today is tied to a unfair competitive gaining land whether by territorial expansion, genocide, or expelling certain ethnic groups.
In conclusion, the Great Lakes region has a long dated deep culture of hatred due to previous unfair systems that elevated one group and disadvantaged the other. The challenge in building peace will be to create mechanism that would allow healthy relationship based on equalitarian and democratic practices.
B. Actors in The conflicts: A similar particularity in the Great Lakes demonstrated that the power in those countries is based on structural antagonism between groups. One group has repressed another so the right to revenge is non negotiable. The actors can be subdivided as: 1. Direct Actors (In R.D.Congo, Uganda, Sudan, Tanzania, Rwanda and Burundi) 2. Extra-regional actors (mostly country in the western hemisphere and their agencies).
B.1.Direct actors: Two case are presented here:
– The Zaïrian Case or the Mobutism (D.R.Congo): The Late President Mobutu dominated for 30 years Zairian politics since the United States orchestrated the overthrow of the elected Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba in 1960 who was assassinated later, The United States opposed Lumumba’s nationalist and non aligned policies, considering him as an extension of the Soviet Union‘s foreign policy. Since the 1965 coup d’etat Mobutu has been among the most autocratic, repressive, and corrupt dictators in the Third World. Mobutu reshaped the Democratic Republic of The Congo in his own image, rename it Zaïre, Initiate the politic of authenticity. Mobutu was widely thought to be using ethnic conflict in both Katanga (South-Congo) and Kivu (East– Congo) to his advantage and possibly even to be encouraging the fighting. He feudalised the army by creating new unit commanded by his family clan or his related regional tribe of the Equatorial region (North-Congo). He travelled to Goma in the Kivu in July 1993 promising equal rights to the Rwandophile speaking population But, there were reports that Mobutu’s military had provided weapons to both sides in the conflict and had taken part in the looting and killing. Under his reign, the country was decadent mined by tribalism, favouritism and nepotism clanic at all level of the state. This situation created a contre-reaction that fuelled clashes between army units, tribes, provinces, and neighbouring states. Mass refugee movements from Burundi/Rwanda into The Congo from 1993 through 1996 further destabilised its eastern border area and set off a civil war that would lead to the collapse of the Mobutu regime and bring its army into full-scale war with neighbouring states.
– The Ugandan Case and The Fall of the Northerner: After fifteen years of civil war, the National Resistance Movement came to power in 1986 leaded by the currently President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. In his essay, “Uganda Since Impedance”
(1992); P.Mutibwa said: The conflict in Northern Uganda is fuelled by ethnic underpinnings that were exacerbated by colonial rule and were later to be manipulated by the post– independence administrations. During the colonial era the Ugandan society was largely divided between the North and the South and the North as opposed to the South, was sub-divided between the Acholi, Langi and the West Nilers. It has been observed that the fact the NRM (National Resistance Movement), an organization mostly of Southerners, produced new cleavages that have yet to be overcome and are manifested clearly in the armed struggle. He added: The key role of the military in politics and of ethnic competition became evident under the first government of Milton Obote, who used the army to overthrow the constitution and the king of Buganda, a region from which the constitutional monarchy originated. Obote’s use of the military led to his overthrow by Idi Amin, who was himself toppled by the Uganda Liberation Front/ Army (UNFL/A), assisted by the Tanzanian army in 1978. The brief presidencies of Yusuf Lule and Godfrey Binaisa followed, while a military commission held real power.
B.2. Extra-Regional Actors
Extra-regional actors are those from outside the conflict area seeking to either ameliorate or exploit the conditions of war. The antagonism raised by the struggle between Anglo-Saxon and the Francophile in Africa, has contributed to the marginalisation by the international communities of the priority of the Africans, which remains the instauration of the democracy. The transcend perspectives has observes, that:
“The projection of the European (Anglo-French) tribal feud over linguistic/cultural/economic influence in Africa. Uganda/Tutsi/Bunyamelenge/Kabila anglophiles are pitted against Hutu/Mobutu Francophiles, with the Western media traditionally dominated by the French as “area specialists“. But disasters tend to favour the spread of English as most disasters are managed in English. French/Roman Law is losing ground, it seems, and English/Common Law is pushing westward with energy. (See www.transcend.org)”
After the end of the cold war, western policy toward Africa has changed by promoting fast calqued manufactured democracies in Africa. It has resulted in enflaming sleeping immature cells of oppositions in former
dictatorial regime, which created circles of instability throughout the continent.
The government of the United States is concerned about instability in D.R.Congo has it is aligned with Uganda and Rwanda. The Americans use Uganda for their effort to against the insurgence of Islamism (Sudan, Somali). This includes necessary funds and logistic for forces seeking to overthrow Sudan from bases inside Uganda, Eritrea, and Ethiopia. American Special Forces have also been assigned to train the RPF in counter-insurgency techniques. The American support has increased since the Bush war on Terror countries such Kenya and Tanzania are favourite beneficiaries.
France was aligned with Dem. Rep. of the Congo and Former Rwanda government. From 1990 to 1993 elite French forces along with the Mobutus’ army backed Rwanda’s government against the RPF (Rwandan Patriotic Front) leaded President Kagame. They also tried to intervene in 1994 to prevent further RPF attacks on the Hutu dominated government. A key issue of western powers (French and Anglo-Saxon influence) is the access to the vast natural and strategic wealth of the Congo curvet. The Dem. Rep. of the Congo’s natural wealth and the attraction between arms dealers and war has seen a rapid proliferation of extra-regional involvement. Surplus arms including have come from former Yugoslavia to reach all sides at bargain prices [Ashworth 1996; Misser 1996]. Illegal operators and security firms in Britain and South Africa have also provided arms and mercenaries [Boggan 1996].
3. Prognosis
The Great Lakes conflict function in a system of “vases communicant” (Matrix). Conflicts can start from one epicenter and be propagated to another. As Bethuel Kiplagat stated at Africa is presently host to three, partly overlapping conflict systems: In West Africa with the epicentre presently in Sierra Leone, but previously in Liberia; in the Horn of Africa with the epicentre presently in Sudan; and in the Great Lakes Region where the epicentre was previously in Rwanda but presently in the DRC (See Fig. 1).
The conflict in Sub–Saharan countries is not a simple fight for power, as would be the case between two opposed political parties or a simple fight between
Fig. 1: African Conflict Systems
tribes or ethnic groups; rather, it is a fight between groups of the same populations defending their own interests, but who behave as if it was a question of different incompatible biological types, each one looking to seize supremacy and to be in total control, or to exclusively hunt and exterminate the group that hinders their plans. The fact is that Africans have not been able to eliminate the negative view of their quantitative or morphologic variations. But by employing transcendent methodology those variations could avoid becoming a problem that generates more violence, since diversity is one of the basic characteristics of all human populations. (Peace Through African’s peaceful Means by Raïs Neza Boneza, kolofon 2004)
As long the promotion of a cultural revenge in the society as the only alternatives in the Rwanda–Burundi–Uganda-Democratic Republic of the Congo conflict will not be removed the cycle of cultural violence is likely to continue endlessly. The consequence will certainly still:
– A seculars, and narrowed presentation of the African dilemma limiting the sources of the conflict to ethnic rivalries, while others factors such social, economical, political, outer- interferences (neo-paternalism) are intertwined in the dynamic of the conflict.
– The philosophy of out-siders and uncontrolled rise of mega- nationalism feeling, that develop a cyclic violence as “who lose the power today, is willing by any means to regain it tomorrow”.
– The ideological idea of resolving, internal problems of a state out of his own territory and boundaries. The current tension in the Great Lakes, where Rwanda, Uganda, and Burundi justified the
Congo aggression through the allegation that they have to protect
their territory against negative forces located in Congo. An establishment of inclusive space of dialogue is prerequisite to the stability of each state.
– The reconstruction of view that perpetuates international prejudice regarding African ‘savagery,‘ that allows the West to escape the responsibility for the severe structural damage imposed by colonialism: (1) irrational boundaries that contribute to endemic instability; (2) export-orientated infrastructure that marginalizes Africa within the world economic system; (3) western cultural hegemony that has weakened African tradition; and (4) bureaucratic systems of governance that concentrated political power and favoured certain ethnic groups over others [Griggs 1995].
4. Therapy
Any solution must be transparent, and implicate affected populations. The Secret negotiation among elite actors is unlikely to eliminate the structural factors or latent causes of conflicts. The negotiations must recognise all concerned actors at all level, ethnical group, armed group, civil servants, businessmen and other members of civil society. The fact that Germans under Hitler perpetrated a horrible genocide against in Jews1945 does not imply that every Germans must be executed.
As the violence as destroyed potentiality of trust and truth among people at all level, it is therefore relevant to implement a mechanism of reconstruction. The reconstruction dynamic will lead to recall of the potential of culture of peace, which can be use for the reconciliation process. The reconciliation process can be even more effective through using endogenous or cultural conflict resolution practices such: Gacaca (Rwanda), Ubuntu (South Africa), Kogtla (Kalaharian). E.g. The ubashingantahe system in traditional Burundi, which mixed groups of mature, respected Hutus and Tutsis adjudicated disputes a local levels to address certain problems of land reform and reduce the conflict producing discursive practices.
Another alternatives will be to develop a mechanism of regional integration. The region is a receptacle of rebel funds and arms that affect the stability of the region. This fragile network of alliances demands inclusive negotiations based on the needs of the entire region. Political Instability within Congo, The return or a fair integration of refugees, redefinition of nation, states, and reform of laws on nationality must be considered regionally.
Regional organization such the CPGL (the commission for the Great– Lakes Region) could implement structures with a locally based ideal such as the Baraza (Kiswahili word of “Assembly”) or the Nyerere’s Tanzanian ideal “Ujaama” (Kiswahili word of “Familyhood”) that are more easily assimilated by local population.
These local structure well assimilated in the region, could work as dynamic of dismantling the corrupt and inefficient system of hegemonic, and dictatorships powers in the region while expanding participation at a grassroots level. The multiplicity of cultures, ethnic groups and nations makes it a challenge for direct actors but also external-regional actors can help by canalising resources and attention to the plight of Great-lakes
region of Africa and promoting inter-cultural understanding. Otherwise history has shown that attempts to democratise along majoritarian lines falter because ruling ethnic groups oppress and oppressed ethnic groups seek power by extra-judicial means.
A bioceanic confederation from the Indian to the Atlantic oceans, including Uganda and Tanzania, Rwanda and Burundi, and the two Congos, maybe more countries, trading East-West with Asia and America, as much as North-South could one of the possible approach as proposed by the Transcend Network (see www.transcend.org) could allow for decentralisation, softer boundaries, and
‘automatic’ land reform as people and goods would be free to move. Not confining people with a tradition of enmity to a very limited territory and could be accomplished without polemical issues such the redrawing of states borders
As| the boundaries designed by Europeans at the 1884 Berlin Conference have been perpetuated by African leaders since independence. There are no nations in Africa because nearly every state has deep intrastate ethnic divisions. Instead of a fair integration of different ethnical or tribal community, the strongest ethnic group attempts to dominate or to eliminate the others.
One visible consequence of hybridisation which is often neglected in the international and intellectual milieu is the development of a belief in a series of invisible and spiritual forces to elucidate political conflict in Africa. Instead of having direct religious confrontations, Africans have created a mixture of African and western metaphysics (a mix of African, Christian and Islamic religions) which encourages prophetical and spiritual leaders to take an active role in conflicts, since political leaders have failed to establish order.
When talking about metaphysics, we understand a philosophical approach more concerned with the essence of existence, space and time, causes and effects. Through it, people seek to explain events that they see as not rationally explainable. This is because their
conception of reality is influenced by their primary hopes, beliefs, feelings, emotions and history added to exogenous elements which differ from their cultural background. These interferences between rationality and normality of the world have given rise to prophetical movements such Mulele, Mai-Mai and Simba’s rebellion in ex–Zaire (Kivu); the Holy Spirit Movement of Alice Lakwena and the Lord Resistance Army in Gulu, Uganda (Kony’s LRA); the FDD in Burundi, and others. All these movements are characterized by their religious and ritualistic motivation for violence: for example, the baptism of the combatants and a typology of rituals against gun bullets. All of them have spiritual intercessors, or prophetic leaders to interpret signs and the will of the spirits.
Gandhi saw violence as an evil and rational persuasion, and often unavailing, in all cases creating needs and deficits. In Africa, violence expresses itself in various forms. For example, in a physical or psychic way through brainwashing, various forms of indoctrination, threats and intimidations, the only objective is to diminish the spiritual and moral capacities of humans. The violence is directed against the psyche.
Today in Africa, violence is integrated in the political and cultural
system; it shapes the skeleton of structural violence as it is manifested in the inequality of relations and opportunities. Also, it is especially expressed as direct violence with actors and agents from both local and international spheres. African civilization is impregnated with a history of violence and degradation. The main ideology in the different conflicts can be summarized with the introduction of the formula “diviser pour mieux regner” or the “divide and conquer” ideology that we shall explore at the macro- cultural level in part III.
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